Indian democracy is at crossroads today. While it celebrates it success in instituting largely free and fair elections and in establishing the vital routines of democracy, ordinary citizens and democracy activists are routinely frustrated by the growing gap between themselves and centres of power, between what they expected from democracy and what they get in real life. Indian democracy needs a second wind of energy from strengthening peoples’ politics and deepening of democratic institutions. At attempt in this direction faces a preliminary hurdle. The existing political institutions and processes work in such a way as to frustrate any attempt to introduce new ideas, energies and personnel into the democratic system. Democratic reform is thus a precondition to deepening of democracy in today’s India. Otherwise we face the prospects of a shallow democracy that goes through the motions but without in any way realising the promise of democracy.

Over the years, this has become more and more difficult. Distance between people and centres of power has grown, floor level of resources required to undertake political activity has risen to obscene proportions, the connection between resources and viability in election has deepened and the relationship between people and the political process has become more and more mediated. Misguided efforts at reforming politics have made matters worse: raising the barriers for fresh entrants, discouraging local political mobilisation and encouraging a distant contact through the media, tightening the grip of party bosses over their parties, driving local initiative out and bringing corporate politics has in fact contributed to democratic deficit.

Our recent experience shows that it is crucial to develop a political agenda -- political in its content and perspective -- on this question. Such an agenda can channelise the vast public energy available today into acts of democratic consolidation, if not transformative politics. Otherwise the widespread popular discontent on this score can easily be manipulated to feed a manifestly anti-political and potentially anti-democratic agenda.

The challenge of democratic reforms is very different today from what it used to be when JP offered his famous critique of the functioning of western style liberal democracy in India. The reformers of the 1970s and 1980s focused on institutions of high national politics: the national legislature and the executive. The objectives of reform were still quite generalized: to clear the system of corrupt practices and to ensure free and fair elections. The favoured instrument of political reforms was legal-constitutional change. Electoral reforms were the centre piece of political reforms.

Since then the political context has changed. We do not live any longer in a one party dominant system. Therefore the issue of seats votes disproportionality does not introduce the kind of system skew as it did in the past. Rise of regional parties has contributed to a less uneven playing ground in politics. Democratic upsurge from below has introduced new aspirations that need to be responded to. Besides, a host of new legislations have changed the institutional set up that needs to be reformed: Anti Defection Act and 73rd Constitutional Amendment are prime examples of that. Finally, we have a new kind of thinking on political reforms to contend with.
In the post Seshan era, a new conservative thinking on political reform has quietly taken over the popular imagination. Thus the mainstream perspective now threatens to turn into a conservative platform for refashioning the political structures to suit the interest of a small, hitherto entrenched but now threatened class. This agenda amounts to nothing short of undoing the results of the democratic upsurge of the last decade. In this version political reform is a corollary of and an effective vehicle for the ‘economic reforms’ package of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, a prerequisite for rolling back the state. Our perspective on political reforms needs to have a different starting point, rooted in our own situation and an analysis of the democratic deficit that confronts us. The principal task of political reform is to address our democratic deficit and some of its root causes.
The real failure of the current phase of Indian democracy is not the failure to hold free and fair elections, nor the inability of the people to affect change in governments through the exercise of their free vote, but the growing distortion in the mechanism of political representation, the growing distance between the electors and the elected, the inability of the mechanism of competitive politics to serve as a means of exercising effective policy options. Clearly, the institutional frame of democracy has failed to translate popular participation and enthusiasm into a set of desirable consequences.
Thus the challenge is to strengthen devices that facilitate popular mobilisation and its effective expression in the formation of political agendas, formulation of governmental policies and their effective execution. In the context of the retreat of the state, there is a need to bring back the primacy of politics and restore its capacity to act as the principal vehicle of social change. The litmus test for any proposal of ‘radical’ political reforms is its ability to deepen the ongoing process of democratization for the social groups and communities that have historically been denied access to political power.
Broadly speaking the new paradigm of democratic reform would involve thinking about seven kinds of measures or steps. Not all of these reforms are merely ‘electoral reforms’ in the narrow sense of the terms. But in view of the interconnections between electoral and political reforms, we need to locate electoral reforms within a larger package of democratic reforms. Instead of focusing narrowly on how elections are fought, we must also pay attention to what elections aReference:re for and what background rules and conditions determine the outcome of electoral contestation. Not all the items in this list can be enacted by the parliament or delivered by the state; democratic reform requires as much initiative on the part of the citizens as it demands institutional response. Since democratic reform is a combination of short term and long term measures, they need to be spelt out separately.


1. Electoral reforms to fine-tune the system and institutions of electoral representation
Although electoral reforms is no longer the centre-piece of democratic reforms today, serious reform of our electoral process continues to be the first step towards reducing the gap between the people and centres of power.

a) The Model Code of Conduct enforced by the EC should be incorporated into the law. The provisions relating to campaign and restrictions on these should be clearly spelt out in order to avoid excessive and irrelevant restrictions.
b) There should be a mechanism for checking of affidavits given by the candidates regarding their assets and criminal cases; false declaration by any candidate should be a ground for making them ineligible for further elections and false decalaration by the winner should be a ground for declaring the election void; declaration on assets should be the basis for criminal investigation into sources of income and income tax records.
c) Basic norms of free and fair elections that prevail in the rest of the country need to be extended to areas like Jammu and Kashmir and the North East. There should be zero tolerance of interference by the security forces into the electoral process (including forcing people to cast their vote); acts like AFSPA that violate the fundamental democratic norms need to be withdrawn.
d) The voters should be given the option of voting secretly for "None of the above". If the number of votes for NOTA exceeds those of the leading candidate, the election in that constituency should be held afresh.
e) There is a need for minimalist legislation to regulate the internal functioning of political parties. Such a legislation could require political parties to follow their own constitution, maintain an open register of membership and provide for regular and democratic election to the highest decision making body. In case of violation of party constitution or disputes concerning it, there should be an adjudication mechanism evolved by the Election Commission.

f) Delimitation of constituencies must take place once in a decade, as envisioned by the Constitution. Parliamentary, assembly and local bodies elections should be held on the basis of a single Electoral Roll; boundaries of PRI institutions should be linked to the boundaries of assembly and parliamentary constituencies.
g) Appointment of CEC and the ECs should be made by a constitutional Committee comprising the PM, the leader of the opposition and the CJ of Supreme Court.
h) There should be a ban on all post-retirement governmental appointments, including nomination to Rajya Sabha, and a ban on contesting elections, for the members of the EC after they retire.

2. Constitutional change to correct social imbalance in the composition of elected representatives
If there is any need to tinker with the electoral system, it is with a view to address two specific problems: under-representation of women and Muslims. In both cases the under-representation is gross and structural, and therefore unlikely to be overcome in the normal course of things. Both these are fit cases for redesigning institutions. But it needs to be ensured that the proposed change would achieve the objective and its side effects will not outweigh the benefits.
The government and the opposition must live up to its public pronouncement that constitutional amendment to improve women's representation to one-thirds of the legislature will be brought about without any further delay. A broad consensus in the public opinoin and across the political spectrum must not be held hostage by an extra-ordinary condition of complete unanimity. Similarly the search for the best system to increase women's representation must not be allowed to be an enemy of the feasible good.
There is a need to begin a national debate on the under-representation of Muslims and ways to redress it. Besides this, there is a need to think of the changing class profile of the peoples representatives and the dominance of the super rich. There are still some other groups whose under-representation needs systematic attention: lower OBCs, mahadalits, under-represented communities among ST and pasmanda Muslims.

3. Measures to ensure a less unequal access to resources in politics
The issue of unequal access to resources in politics has conventionally been taken up as the measure for reducing the role of ‘money power’ in politics with its typical emphasis on a regime of controls to ensure a ceiling on political expenses. The emphasis should now shift from the issue of ceiling to that of securing a floor, from a regime of controls to a package of enabling measures to ensure adequate and equal supply of resources. There is a serious dearth of legitimate resources in politics, made worse by grossly unequal distribution of what is available. The problem is not that spending more money ensures victory in elections, but that lack of money denies an entry into the political arena. This area acquires new salience in the context of the democratic upsurge from below and the rolling back of the welfare state.

a) The RPA provisions regarding the ceiling on electoral expenses should be modified to cover all expenditure, including that of parties and friends; accordingly the 1974 amendment to section 77 should be annulled. The ceiling should be kept realistic and should be revised with each general election.
b) State funding of elections should be operationalised by creating a National Election Fund out of the consolidated fund of India in order specifically to subsidise electoral expenses and more generally to support legitimate political activity. Each party that secures over 1% votes in any state or any candidate who gets over 2% votes in any constituency should be reimbursed @ Rs 10 for every vote polled by it at current prices. This funding should be tied to the condition of regular democratic elections within the party.
c) The tax exemption individuals and companies for contributions to political parties should be subject to a celing.

4. Interventions to encourage democratisation of political information and opinions
The arena of democratising information promises to be one of the most critical arenas for political reforms in the years to come, an arena where traditional state legislation is a weak instrument of reforms.

a) The provisions of Right to information and the infrastructure to give it effect should be strengthened. Any attempt to dilute the ‘right to information’ should be resisted.
b) There should be a complete ban on paid political and electoral advertising on Television for lesson from the rest of the world shows that this can be fatal for the possibility of level playing ground in politics. It should be mandatory for all channels to give some free time to all political parties for election broadcast as is currently the case with Doordarshan.
c) If the media fails to evolve effective ways to control the recent practice of selling of news space to parties and candidates, this aspect should be brought within the Model Code of Conduct and regulated by the Election Commission so as to ensure that there is a clear distinction between news and advertisement and a complete transparency about the sources of funding for political advertisement.
d) Restoring the spirit of the independent public broadcaster behind the Prasar Bharati legislation and removing all the recent distortions.
e) Measures to democratise the ownership of private media and curb monopolistic practices by introducing restrictions on cross-media ownership, and to ensure easy access to cheap media to small groups and movements.
f) Measures to change the social profile of the media practitioners and to ensure the entry of communities that were denied access to higher learning.

5. Reforms to safeguard the primacy of citizens and elected and accountable democratic institutions
These measures try to respond to the anxiety about the erosion of democratically elected authorities in the last two decades either to the bureaucratic and the technocratic establishment or to the international economic institutions. These erosions threaten to undo many of the gains of the democratic upsurge in the last decade and negate the point of electoral democracy.
a) MPLAD Scheme and similar schemes at the state level should be scrapped forthwith.
b) It should be mandatory for the government to get any international treaty ratified by the Parliament. This would cover not only the inter-governmental agreements like the Indo-US Deal but would also cover treaties under the WTO and the MOUs signed with bodies like IMF. Similar treaties that affect the subjects in the state list must be ratified by a majority of state legislatures.
c) Any decision that affects the life and livelihood of an area (e.g. displacement or environmental change) or a section should require a referendum in that area or that section. The existing provisions about Panchayat sanction for acquisition should be strengthened and must enjoy constitutional safeguard.
6. Measures for de-centering the polity and reducing the compulsions of scale
The need for political decentralisation is clearly not a new subject. It has been commented upon and spelt out at length and in the last decade our polity has moved in that direction thanks to the 73rd and the 74th amendments and the change in our party system. What is required is to press for the consolidation of these gains and to see these as measures of political reform.

a) Strengthening the new panchayati raj framework by making it mandatory to devolve greater powers, including administrative power and powers to mobilise financial resources to the Panchayati Raj Insitutions (panchayats, panchayat samiti and Zila Parishad and nagarpalikas). The Constitutional role of PRIs in preparing, planning and implementing for economic development and social justice should be safeguarded.
b) Besides, there is a need to protect smaller parties and formation in electoral politics. The recent changes in electoral law which systematically privilege the existing national/recognised parties over other parties and independents should be withdrawn. The duration of the campaign should be restored to the original three weeks in order to give a fair chance to smaller parties and candidates short of resources;
c) Constitutional recognition of District level elected government with a separate list of subjects under its exclusive jurisdiction
d) Greater financial powers for the state governments as suggested by the Sarkaria Commission.
e) Constitution of another State Reorganisation Commission to go into the various demands for small states so as to .
f) Include within the purview of such a commission the question of greater political autonomy to backward regions within large states by expanding the scope of the institution of Autonomous Councils on the lines of Scheduled Tribe areas.

7. Movement for deepening people's participation in politics and raising democratic consciousness.
Democratic reforms is not just a responsibility of state and political parties. In the last instance the success or otherwise of democratic reforms (including its ability to pressurise the state and political parties) depends on the level of consciousness and participation of ordinary citizens. This would also include action by non-party and non-political organisations and movements in society so as to develop public opinion and maintain constant external pressure on political actors so that

a) Election-time promises are first scrutinised and then remembered so that representatives are accountable to the electorate in the period between two elections
b) Supra-party citizens’ organisations are formed to examine the candidates’ background and electoral malpractices, especially in conflict zones
c) Civil society initiatives to make funds available to social and political workers.
d) There should be a campaign throughout the country, especially among the youth, to invite ordinary citizens to take part in politics as voters, as conscious citizens and as political workers and representatives.

Much of the party system reform should be carried out through democratic pressure inside parties to ensure that
a) The local party unit has a decisive say in the selection of party candidate
b) No person is eligible for party ticket without a minimum duration of party membership and record of political work
c) There are well laid out conventions and rules about career mobility of workers inside a party as well as about age of retirement
d) Modalities for institutionalising ‘white’ money are evolved in the party
e) Non-legal forms of summary inquiry are evolved by the party to look into charges related to corruption and criminal behaviour of its members

TRAINING CAMP
August 22, 23, 24, 2009
Saturday, Sunday, Monday
Allahabad-211002

Ph- 09235406243
e-mail : azadi.bachao.andolan@gmail.com

Training Camp Office
Azadi Bachao Andolan
National Office
21-B, Motilal Nehru Road,
(In front of
University Women's College)
Allahabad-211002

Dear Friend

In the Delhi medting of the Front, it was decided to organise a training camp in August in Allahabad. Accordingly the training camp will take place on August 22, 23, and 24. You are invited to this camp. Kindly ensure your participation and confirm it soon to help us make arrangement properly.

Declaration of the Front is ready, the broad outlines of the organisation and action programme have been chalked out and some activities have taken place during the last one year. Based on these very limited experiences, leading activists of the Front (Members of Executive Committee and Presidium and senior workers from states etc) will exchange their ideas and experience in this training camp and try to make a clear understanding specially on three following issues-

1. An alternative to the present concept of politics and development.
2. As an alternative to the present politics, what kind of a nationwide organizational structure, the Front should have and what should be the strategy to build this structure, and
3. Determination of the Front's action programmes for the next three, six and twelve months so as to build a distinct image of the Front as a political alternative.

Outline of the programme of the camp

1st Day August 22, 2009 (Saturday)

FIRST SESSION: 11.00 to 1.30pm

Opening Lecture:
• anti-people character of the present politics,
• threat to national sovereignty from globalisation,
• Inconsistencies in representative democracy,
• a critique of different ideas of democracy,
• hypothesis of participatory democracy and necessary structural changes to bring it down to the ground,

Second Lecture:
• mutual relationship between politics and development,
• a critique of the present concept of development and its anti people character,
• role of the World Bank, IMF, WTO and multinational companies in present development model,
• our own concept of development.
Lunch: 1.30 to 3.00

SECOND SESSION:
• 3.00 to 4.30pm
• Group discussion (15 to 20 activists) on political and developmental issues emerged during Ist session
• Preparation a pointwise gist of the outcomes of discussions by every group.
Tea Break: 4.30 to 5.000

THIRD SESSION: 5.00 to 6.30pm.
• Presentation of the gist prepared by the groups.
• Insistance on how to activate the Front
• Open discussion.
Film Show: 6.30 to 8.00pm
Dinner: 8.00 to 9.00pm
Informal Session: 9.00 to 10.00pm
Meeting of members of Presidium and Executive Committee.

2nd Day : August 23, 2009 (Sunday)

FOURTH SESSION: 10.00 to 11.30
Lecture: Outlines of an effective organisation of the Front
Tea Break: 11.30 to 12.00am

FIFTH SESSION: 12.00 to 1.30pm
• Short Comments by participants on previous session lecture and snggestions.
• Critique of functioning of organisation during last one year
Lunch: 1.30 to 3.00pm

SIXTH SESSION: 3.00 to 4.00pm
• Outlines of action programme on national level for building organisational structure of the Front
Tea Break 4.00 to 4.15pm

SEVENTH SESSION 4.15 to 5.15pm
• State wise / region wise meetings to formulate strategies of how to build organisation and participation and accountability of activists in it.

EIGHT SESSION 5.15 to 6.30pm
• coordination of the programmes chalked out in sixth & seventh session, finalisation of complete picture of the organisation in the country and decide participation and accountability at national level.
Film 6.30 to 8.00pm
Dinner 8.00 to 9.00pm
Informal Meeting 9.00 to 10.00
• Meeting of members of Presidium and executive committee.

IIIrd Day: August 24, 2009 (Monday)

NINTH SESSION: 9.00 to 11.00 am
Lecture • Strategy of the Front's programme in the next three, six and twelve months
• Short comments by participants.
Tea Break: 11.00 to 11.30am

TENTH SESSION: 11.30 to 12.30
• Chalking out of strategy for state and region in statewise / region wise meeting.

ELEVENTH SESSION: 12.30 to 2.00pm
• Coordinated outlines of national and state wise programmes and decision on participation and accountability of the activists.
Lunch 2.00 to 3.30pm.

TWELFTH SESSION 3.30 to 4.30.
(Concluding session) Open discussion on the whole training camp.
PRESS CONFERENCE 4.30 to 5.30pm

These outlines of the camp programme are tentative. If you have suggestions, send them to the camp office immediately by phone- letter or e-mail.

With Regards.

Yours sincerely
Ajeet Jha
Coordinator

1. चुनाव आयोग की आचार संहिता को कानून में परिवर्तित किया जाए। इस आचार संहिता में प्रचार और योग्यता संबंधी जो प्रावधान हैं, उन्हें और स्पष्ट किया जाना चाहिए ताकि अनावश्यक पाबंदियाँ हटाई जा सकें।
2. चुनाव के समय प्रत्याशियों द्वारा संपत्ति और आपराधिक मामलों से जुड़े जो हलफनामें दाखिल किये जाते हैं, उनकी फौजदारी जाँच की जाय; गलत पाये जाने पर उन्हें आगे के चुनावों के लिए अयोग्य घोषित किया जाय और अगर उनमें से कोई जीतता है तो उसका चुनाव रद्द कर दिया जाय।
3. स्वतंत्र एवं निष्पक्ष चुनाव के प्रावधानों को जम्मू-कश्मीर और उत्तर-पूर्व जैसे समस्याग्रस्त क्षेत्रों पर भी लागू किया जाय। ऐसे क्षेत्रों में चुनाव प्रक्रिया में सुरक्षा बलों की भूमिका को नगण्य बनाया जाए (जबर्दस्ती वोट डलवाने को भी); मूलभूत लोकतांत्रिक अधिकारों का उल्लंघन करने वाले ए.एफ.एस.पी.ए. जैसे कानूनों को हटाया जाए।
4. मतदाताओं को ‘‘उपरोक्त में से कोई नहीं’’ (‘‘नोटा’’) का गुप्त विकल्प मुहैया कराया जाए। अगर ‘नोटा’ का मत प्रतिशत सर्वाधिक मत पाने वाले प्रत्याशी से ज्यादा है तो फिर से चुनाव कराया जाए।
5. राजनीतिक दलों के आंतरिक क्रियाकलापों का नियमन करने के लिए कुछ न कुछ प्रावधान जरूर होने चाहिए। एक ऐसा कानून बनाया जाए जिसके तहत सभी राजनीतिक दल अपने-अपने संविधानों का पालन अवश्य करें। सदस्यता का रजिस्टर सार्वजनिक होना चाहिए और सर्वोच्च निर्णायक संस्था के लिए दलों के अंदर भी लोकतांत्रिक पद्धति से चुनाव होने चाहिए। दलों के संविधान के उल्लंघन या इस संबंधी किसी विवाद के निपटारे के लिए चुनाव आयोग द्वारा किसी बाह्य निर्णायक व्यवस्था का प्रावधान हो।
6. चुनाव क्षेत्रों का परिसीमन 10 साल में एक बार अवश्य किया जाना चाहिए, जैसा कि संविधान में भी अपेक्षित है। देशभर में लोकसभा, विधानसभा या पंचायती राज- नगरपालिका चुनावों के लिए एक ही वोटर लिस्ट होनी चाहिए।
7. मुख्य चुनाव आयुक्त एवं अन्य चुनाव आयुक्तों की नियुक्ति एक संवैधानिक समिति द्वारा की जाए जिसमें प्रधानमंत्री, विपक्ष का नेता और सुप्रीम कोर्ट के मुख्य न्यायाधीश शामिल हों।
8. पंचायत और नगरपालिका स्तर पर स्वतंत्र और निष्पक्ष चुनाव सुनिश्चिित करने के लिए संविधान की धारा 352 के तहत सभी राज्यों के लिए एक सा कानून और आचार संहिता बननी चाहिए।
9. चुनाव आयोग के सदस्यों के लिए रिटायरमेंट के बाद सरकारी नियुक्तियों (राज्यसभा में नामांकन सहित) पर प्रतिबंध लगना चाहिए और चुनाव आयोग के सदस्यों को सेवानिवृत्ति के 5 साल बाद तक चुनाव लड़ने से रोका जाना चाहिए।
   

1. टेलीविजन पर आने वाले ऐसे राजनैतिक और चुनावी विज्ञापनों पर पूर्ण रोक लगाई जाए जिनका भुगतान किया गया हो क्योंकि दुनियाभर के उदाहरणों ने हमें यह सीख दी है कि सभी प्रत्याशियों को समान अवसर उपलब्ध कराने की दृष्टि से यह घातक हो सकता है। सभी चैनलों के लिए यह अनिवार्य किया जाए कि वे सभी राजनैतिक दलों को प्रचार के लिए कुछ समय निशुल्क उपलब्ध कराये, जैसा कि दूरदर्शन के साथ है।
2. हाल-फिलहाल मीडिया में यह प्रवृत्ति देखी गई है कि वह राजनैतिक दलों और प्रत्याशियों को न्यूज स्पेस बेचने का प्रयास करते हैं। अगर मीडिया स्वयं इस प्रवृत्ति पर रोक नहीं लगाता तो इसे चुनाव आचार संहिता के अंतर्गत चुनाव आयोग के प्रभाव क्षेत्र में ले आना चाहिए। इससे समाचारों और विज्ञापनों में स्पष्ट विभेद किया जा सकेगा और राजनैतिक विज्ञापन के लिए आने वाले धन का पूरा ब्यौरा भी मिल सकेगा
3. जनसंचार के स्वतंत्र माध्यमों को प्रसार भारती के माध्यम से नियंत्रित किया जाए।
4. प्राइवेट मीडिया के स्वामित्व को और अधिक लोकतांत्रिक बनाया जाए तथा एकाधिकार जैसे अलोकतांत्रिक रवैये को रोकने के लिए ‘क्राॅस मीडिया आॅनरशिप’ आदि पर रोक लगाई जाए। छोटे समूहों और आंदोलनों को मीडिया आसान और सस्ते रूप में सुलभ हो।
5. इस क्षेत्र में काम करने वाले लोगों में अभी तक उपेक्षित रहे समुदाय शामिल हो सकें। इसके लिए उच्च शिक्षा के स्तर पर सुधार किये जाए।
   

1. क्षेत्रीय विकास के लिए चुने गए प्रतिनिधियों को दिए जाने वाले धन और ऐसी अन्य योजनाओं को तत्काल प्रभाव से बंद किया जाए।
2. सरकार के लिए यह अनिवार्य होना चाहिए कि वह किसी भी तरह की अन्तर्राष्ट्रीय संधि को पहले संसद में पारित कराये। इससे दो सरकारों के बीच हुए समझौतों के साथ-साथ (जैसे भारत-अमेरिका परमाणु समझौता) विश्व व्यापार संगठन और अंतर्राष्ट्रीय मुद्रा कोष जैसी संस्थाओं से होने वाले समझौते भी व्यापक स्वीकृति के बाद ही संभव हो। इसी तरह ऐसे समझौते जो राज्य सूची के विषयों से संबंधित हों, उनके लिए राज्य विधानसभाओं का बहुमत द्वारा समर्थन आवश्यक होना चाहिए।
3. कोई भी निर्णय, जो किसी स्थान विशेष के लोगों की जिंदगी और जीविका को प्रभावित करता हो, उसकी स्वीकृति सबसे पहले वहीं से लेनी चाहिए। अधिग्रहण के लिए पंचायत की स्वीकृति के नियम को मजबूत करना होगा और उसे संवैधानिक सुरक्षा प्रदान करनी होगी।
   

1. पंचायती राज प्रणाली को सुदृढ किया जाए। इसके लिए पंचायतों, ग्राम सभाओं और नगरपालिकाओं को अधिक शक्तियाँ, वित्तीय संसाधन और कर्मचारी अनिवार्य रूप से उपलब्ध करावायें जाए। आर्थिक विकास और सामाजिक न्याय संबंधी योजनाओं के निर्माण में ग्राम सभाओं और स्थानीय प्रशासन की संविधान सम्मत भूमिका को सुदृढ किया जाए।
2. छोटे राजनीतिक दलों को भी सुरक्षित एवं सक्रिय रखने की जरूरत है। इसके लिए राष्ट्रीय स्तर की बड़ी पार्टियों को अपेक्षाकृत अधिक लाभ पहुँचाने वाले जो सुधार चुनाव प्रणाली में किये गए हैं, उन्हें समाप्त किया जाना चाहिए। चुनाव प्रचार की अवधि पूरे 3 सप्ताह ही रखनी चाहिए ताकि सीमित संसाधन वाली पार्टियों और प्रत्याशियों को भी पर्याप्त अवसर मिले।
3. जिला स्तर पर चुनी हुई सरकारें हों। उनके प्रभाव क्षेत्रों में आने वाले विषयों की अलग से सूची बनाकर उन्हें संवैधानिक मान्यता प्रदान की जाए।
4. राज्यों को अधिक वित्तीय शक्तियाँ प्रदान की जाय, जैसा कि सरकारिया आयोग का सुझाव भी था।
5. छोटे राज्यों की माँग को ध्यान में रखते हुए एक नए ‘राज्य पुनर्निर्माण आयोग’ का गठन किया जाए जिससे आर्थिक, सांस्कृतिक, पर्यावरणिक, प्रशासनिक और राजनैतिक सीमाओं का एक-दूसरे से साम्य रहे।
6. इस आयोग के अधिकार में इसे भी सम्मिलित किया जाए कि वह बड़े राज्यों के पिछड़े क्षेत्रों के स्वायत्त शासन की माँग पर विचार कर सके। इसके लिए स्वायत्त परिषद के प्रावधान को आदिवासी क्षेत्रों के बाहर भी लागू किया जाए।
   

1. चुनावी वादों का निरीक्षण-परीक्षण किया जाए और उन्हें याद रखा जाए ताकि दो चुनावों के बीच में प्रतिनिधियों की जवाबदेही तय की जा सके।
2. गणमान्य नागरिकों के संगठनों का निर्माण किया जाए जो प्रत्याशियों की पृष्ठभूमि और चुनावी असंगतियों पर ध्यान दे सकें, खासतौर से समस्याग्रस्त क्षेत्रों में।
3. नागरिक समाज के प्रयासों द्वारा सामाजिक और राजनीतिक कार्यकर्ताओं के लिए धन की उपलब्धता सुनिश्चित की जाए।
4. पूरे देश में एक प्रचार अभियान चलाया जाए- खासतौर पर युवा वर्ग के बीच में। इससे मतदाता, सचेत नागरिक, राजनैतिक कार्यकर्ता और प्रतिनिधियों के रूप में आम आदमी की भागीदारी बढ़ सकेगी।
   

1. स्थानीय इकाइयों की प्रत्याशियों के चयन में निर्णायक भूमिका हो।
2. एक न्यूनतम अवधि की पार्टी सदस्यता या राजनीतिक अनुभव के बिना किसी भी व्यक्ति को टिकिट देने पर रोक लगे।
3. पार्टी के कार्यकत्ताओं के क्रियाकलाप संबंधी व्यवस्थित नियम बनाये जाए और उनकी सेवानिवृत्ति की आयु भी निश्चित की जाए।
4. पार्टी के कामकाज में वैध धन को संस्थागत तरीके से उपलब्ध कराया जाए।
5. सदस्यों के भ्रष्टाचार संबंधी और आपराधिक व्यवहार की जाँच के लिए पार्टी के अंदर ही किसी गैर-न्यायिक प्रणाली का विकास किया जाए।
   

• वैकल्पिक राजनीति के एक राष्ट्रीय केन्द्र का निर्माण, जो समाज के अलग-अलग हिस्सों के नागरिकों कोअपने से जोड़ सके, खासतौर से उस युवा पीढ़ी को, जिसे राजनीति से लगातार दूर रखने की कोशिश की जारही है।

• ऐसे मंच का निर्माण जहाँ विभिन्न जन-आंदोलन अपने-अपने संघर्षों के अनुभव बाँट सकें और एकसामान्य राजनैतिक समझदारी के अनुसार अपनी नीतियों और राजनैतिक घोषणा पत्र का निर्माण करसकें।

• वैकल्पिक राजनीति के लिए प्रयासरत सभी संगठनों को पहचानने और संगठित करने के लिए एकव्यवस्थित प्रणाली का निर्माण।

• स्वयं को एक ऐसे साधन के रूप में विकसित करने की कोषिष, जो देष में जनांदोलनों के जरिये एक सक्रियराजनीतिक हस्तक्षेप कर सके।

• जनता का एक घोषणा-पत्र तैयार करना, उसे प्रकाशित करना और उसके आधार पर एक व्यापक आमसहमति का निर्माण करना, ताकि मुख्यधारा के राजनैतिक दलों पर इसके क्रियान्वयन का दबाव डाला जासके।

• जनता से जुड़े हुए विभिन्न समूहों, दलों और राजनैतिक आंदोलनों के बीच एक संवाद कायम करना, जिससेअगले लोकसभा चुनावों में सशक्त हस्तक्षेप किया जा सके।

• सत्ता प्रतिष्ठानों से जुड़े हुए दलों और प्रत्याशियों की सच्चाई उजागर करने के लिए विभिन्न तरीकों कोअपनाना, जैसे- मीडिया के प्रयोग द्वारा, जनहित याचिका और सूचना के अधिकार के प्रयोग द्वारा।

• देश में ऐसे अधिक से अधिक प्रत्याशियों की तलाश करना जिन्हें वैकल्पिक राजनीति के प्रतीक के रूप मेंलोक राजनीति मंच द्वारा समर्थन दिया जा सके।

• सत्ता प्रतिष्ठानों के जन विरोधी चरित्र को उजागर करने के लिए ‘स्पेशल इकोनोमिक जोन’ जैसे मुद्दों परव्यापक और तीव्र संघर्ष।